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May 29 - Jun 04

Rights for forgotten tribes

Predictably, public discourse on the Gujjar-state-Mina (as the census spells them) standoff in Rajasthan has centred on two, or, at best, three issues: while a large section of the media and some political commentators — fresh from the OBC bust up — have decried the irrationality of community-based reservations, another section has tried to frame the legitimate claims of the Gujjars against the lack of trickle-down. The brutality of the police firing merits passing mention, but will soon disappear, like all the other statistics of people killed by a trigger-happy police let loose by incompetent administrations. As if five lakh rupees here, and one lakh there were enough to deflect from the underlying issue of how governments in India treat demonstrating interest groups.

It is easy to forget, in the midst of all this noise, that the Minas are not the only Scheduled Tribes (STs) in Rajasthan. But everyone, ranging from TV commentators to some Minas themselves, seem to think so: "Minas in Rajasthan are the only Scheduled Tribes and we would not tolerate any inclusion into our community," Bhanwar Lal Mina, president of the Rashtriya Mina Mahasabha, is reported to have said. Even the MP from Barmer, Manvendra Singh, in whose district Bhils constitute almost 6% of the population (and 99% of the district's ST population), neglects to mention that they exist. No TV reporter, to my knowledge, has asked a Bhil leader what she or he feels about the stands taken by the Gujjars and the Minas, and no political commentator has yet asked why groups like the Bhils or Saharias are unable to take advantage o0f the reservations they are entitled to, and which they so desperately need.

At 12.6% of the state, Rajasthan's tribal population is somewhat higher than the national average: the Minas constitute 53.5% of the total ST population, the Bhils 39.5%, smaller groups like the Garasia, Damor, Dhanka & Saharia are 6.6%, while the Bhil Mina, Naikda, Kathodi, Patelia, Kokna and Koli Dhor with populations ranging from below 100 to about 3000 make up the remaining 0.3%. The Minas almost exclusively dominate the eastern portion of the state's Sawai Madhopur, Dholpur, Bharatpur, Karauli, Dausa, while the Bhils live in south-western Rajasthan. Banswara district is 72% adivasi, with Dungarpur and Udaipur following next in terms of adivasi populations, and it is not co-incidental that issues like the right to food, employment guarantee and common property resources have been so critical here.

The differences between the Bhils and Minas are pronounced. While the Minas have an overall literacy rate of 52.2%, which is higher than the national ST average of 47.1%, the Bhils and Saharias have an overall literacy rate of 35.2% and 34.2% respectively. 3.5% of Minas are graduates compared to 0.9% of Bhils, 0.6% of Garasias and 0.1% of Saharias. No wonder then that all the government posts reserved for STs are occupied by Minas, making them not just the dominant tribe in Rajasthan, but one of the groups which has most benefited through reservations nationally, although their literacy rate is still lower than the state average of 61%. Even a cursory look at the civil services or even universities reveals a number of Minas, but scarcely any Bhils from Rajasthan or Madhya Pradesh, Gonds from Chhattisgarh, or Hos from Jharkhand, all numerically significant communities.

Explaining why certain groups have been able to take advantage of reservations and others have been left out is a complex issue. It involves tracking histories of education, migration, and social networks. For instance, the Uraons in Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh, another group with access to government jobs, have had a long history of missionary education, though within Jharkhand, they are not as politically powerful as the Santhal and the Mundas. However, the Minas are better off not just in terms of education and employment but also land holdings, annual incomes and assets. A study by MK Bhasin and Shampa Nag found that among STs in Rajasthan, a greater percentage was engaged in agricultural or casual labour (50%) as against cultivation (40%). Among Minas, however, 85% were engaged in cultivation, and only 1.5% in agricultural labour.

Literacy figures for Gujjars are hard to come by since the census does not disaggregate for OBC groups. But even assuming that they are disadvantaged compared to the Jats, or even the Minas, and have suffered under the neglect of rural livelihoods, that by itself does not constitute a justification for giving them ST status. As Ann Gold and Bhoju Ram Gujar bring out in In the Time of Trees and Sorrows, the local politics was not about Gujjars vs Minas, both of whom were relatively privileged communities, although subservient to the court, but about access to the forests and the problems of agriculture. It is this lived relationship, the common frustration with government services and lack of employment, which needs to be restored to the forefront of political discourse. It is another question whether the current political parties and caste leaderships are capable of doing this.

While it is true that state categorisations placed one group in the st category and flung another into the OBC list, the solution lies not in inflating the ST list or scrapping reservations, at least for scheduled tribes, but renewing the principles on which the Constitution envisaged special provisions for adivasis. The criteria used initially were vague, so deserving communities like the Kols of Sonbhadra got left out and many, who were scheduled, still need this protection. The kind of sheer discrimination STs face is not comparable to OBCs or even SCs, who perform better on education and employment criteria.

Apart from being the major victims of displacement, the absence of a significant middle-class and successful political formations like the BSP mean the adivasis are the most voiceless group in Indian society today. Without reservations, we would not even have the few adivasi MPs that we have now. If, with a quota of 7.5% there are only 2.2% ST teachers in Delhi University, without reservations, even they could get edged out. Few adivasi communities can aspire to the kind of front page coverage of their mobilisation in the way that both Gujjars and Minas have achieved with their narrow caste demands — even when they come out in lakhs to demand the forest rights bill or protest against atrocities.

Since the other tribes of Rajasthan do not exist for the government, the media or political commentators — neither in a political nor a metaphorical sense — this makes them the groups, which are most deserving of ST status. The objectives of the National Tribal Policy of 2006 include: "Arresting the increasing demand from new communities for inclusion in the list of STs by rationalising the process of scheduling; examine the need for de-scheduling of certain STs and sub-categorisation of existing STs to ensure that benefits are evenly spread across the tribes by 2020." Will the UPA and the NDA have the courage to live up to this?

http://www.hindustantimes.com/StoryPage/StoryPage.aspx?id=3fcf8812-c633-49b3-8ef0-f94ec56d1c28&&Headline=Rights+for+forgotten+tribes

Jharkhand industrial policy to focus on infra

JAMSHEDPUR, JUNE 4 : The Jharkhand government is formulating a new industrial policy with a focus on infrastructure as well as the small & medium scale industry in the state.

The industry department, after consultation with various chambers of commerce in the state, said that grievances of the industry have been taken care of in the draft policy.

According to the director of industries, Rahul Purwar, the draft policy would be sent to the government within the next fortnight after seeking approvals from the law and finance departments.

"We are focusing on maximum facilitation for the small & medium-scale industry," said Purwar. Agro-forestry, agro-processing and food-processing industries would be the other thrust areas, he told FE.

Provisions in respect of land, power subsidy, financing and monitoring of these industries have also been incorporated, Purwar said.

Jharkhand's industrial policy was expired on March 31, 2005. It was thereafter extended for a year till March 31, 2006. It has now been extended further till the announcement of the new policy.

Jharkhand, which has industrial area development authorities like the AIADA (Adityapur), RIADA (Ranchi) and BIADA (Bokaro), is now trying to build industrial infrastructure across the state.

"We are for promoting more industrial areas while trying to reorganise the existing ones so that industrialisation takes place in backward areas also," said Purwar.

The department, which has already constituted an industrial area development authority for backward Santhal Parganas region, is now trying to activate it by forming a board as well as by sending a proposal to the government.

It wants to develop a second industrial area in the neglected Palamu and Gumla districts as well.
According to Purwar, the state has already started taking services of the Jharkhand Industrial Infrastructure Development Corp (JIIDCO) for creation of infrastructure like new industrial areas, knowledge parks, food parks, etc.

Though formed in 2004, the JIIDCO actually has become functional recently.

The JIIDCO, along with IL&FS, has recently created the Jharkhand Infrastructure Development Corp (Jinfra), a special purpose vehicle, for implementing projects coming up in the public-private partnership (PPP) domain.

It took almost three years to implement several provisions of the industrial policy declared in 2001 as there had been a big gap in the policy provisions and the departmental declarations needed to be put in place to implement them.

"We are trying to fulfil the gap this time," said the director.

http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=166208

Jharkhand to Have Resettlement Policy For Displaced People

Monday 04th of June 2007 The Jharkhand government plans to announce a resettlement and rehabilitation policy soon for those displaced by land acquisition for setting up industries to avoid violent clashes like those witnessed in West Bengal's Nandigram.

The new policy, which Chief Minister Madhu Koda had promised three months ago, will be announced after an all-party meet to evolve a consensus over the matter.

'We will call an all-party meeting and invite suggestions from political leaders so that there are no hassles after the policy is announced,' said Deputy Chief Minister Stephen Marandi.

'We want a policy that will satisfy the landowners and help investors to set up industries without any protests. We do not want to create a scene like Nandigram in Bengal and Kalinganagar of Orissa,' Marandi told IANS.

In Kalinganagar, over a dozen tribals were killed in police firing in January 2006 while protesting the construction of a boundary wall of a Tata Steel plant.

Similarly in Nandigram, at least 14 people were killed in police firing in March in a protest against a Special Economic Zone (SEZ).

There are suggestions that the displaced people in Jharkhand be given a share in the industries being built.

'We might also ask the investors to directly negotiate with the landowners and provide them the market price,' an official said.

In the last five years, the Jharkhand government has signed agreements with 64 companies in the steel, mining and power sectors. The firms are expected to pump in Rs. 2.4 trillion into the state.

Nearly 20 percent of the state's population has been displaced due to major industrial projects.

http://newspostindia.com/report-2216

Opium worth Rs.40 mn seized in Jharkhand, four held

Ranchi : Jharkhand police Sunday seized opium worth Rs.40 million from Hazaribagh district and arrested four people in this connection.

According to the police, four trucks laden with opium were also seized Sunday from Chauparan block of the district, about 130 km from Ranchi.

The opium was destined to go Nepal through Bihar. The police are also probing the role of Maoist rebels, who promote large-scale opium cultivation and smuggle these to Nepal and other parts of India.

State Director General of Police J.B. Mahapatra has, however, denied any link of Maoist rebels with the seizure of opium. "Till now we have no information about Maoist link. The seized opium was smuggled to other parts of the country," he said.

http://www.indianmuslims.info/news/2007/jun/03/opium_worth_rs_40_mn_seized_
jharkhand_four_held.html

Koel Karo: Tribal surge that stalled a dam

For most people in Jharkhand, the Koel Karo project has been a familiar name for the last three decades, but, for all the wrong reasons.

The project was initiated by the then Bihar government in 1973 with the objective of harnessing the Koel and Karo rivers, to produce hydroelectric power. In 1980, the National Hydroelectric Corporation (NHPC) was given the task of building dams on the two rivers.

However, ever since its announcement, the project was vehemently opposed by the tribals in the Gumla, Ranchi and Singhbhum districts of Jharkhand. The project, they felt, would lead to submergence of a large part of their agricultural land, as well as a number of religious places, especially forest groves (known as 'sarnas') that have, from ancient times, been considered sacred by the tribals.

When the task of assessing the project's scope began, official estimates put the number of villages affected by the project at 42. This was later revised to 112. Tribal leaders, however, claimed that as many as 256 villages would come under the project's 'doob kshetra' (submergence area) — also, 50,000 acres of forest area along with 40,000 acres of agricultural land would be affected, besides 300 'sarnas', 175 churches and 120 mandirs that would face submergence, if the project was implemented.

Although the government offered to resettle the affected villages, the tribals insisted on a total resettlement package. According to Rejan Gudia, general secretary of the Koel Karo Jan Sangathan, the outfit formed by tribals to oppose the project, "We were open for resettlement, provided it was done completely, taking into account all the social, environmental and religious factors. In the talks that our organisation held with the government, it was proposed that two villages be resettled as a model. If people felt satisfied, they could go ahead with resettlement."

However, nothing came out of this proposal. Instead, says Gudia, the government decided to go ahead with the project — contemplating use of force, if necessary.

Accordingly, police forces were dispatched to the area in July 1984. The tribals retaliated by boycotting the police personnel. They were not allowed to set up their camps and no daily provisions were sold to them making their day-to-day existence difficult.

For some years, the project remained in a limbo, recalls Gudia. But in 1995, it was again revived with the announcement that the then prime minister PV Narasimha Rao would be laying the foundation stone. It was during this time that the agitation against the project reached its peak, says Sonam Munda, another tribal leader.

More than 30,000 people, mostly tribals, participated in a massive rally against the project on July 5, 1995. Although the protests were largely peaceful, says Munda, police opened fire on the protesters and 8 people were killed. Curfew was imposed in the area, the prime minister cancelled his visit and the foundation stone laying was postponed.

The Koel Karo Jan Sangathan then passed a resolution saying it was now firmly against the project and would have no further talks on resettlement. For the past 10 years, says Gudia, their outfit has been spreading awareness about the project and gathering support. Their sustenance, he says, comes from the 16,000-odd families living in the region, most of whom contribute Rs 100 every year for the cause.

Their efforts bore fruit, when in 2005, the government announced that it was not going ahead with the Koel Karo project. "We won a major battle, but the war is not over yet," says Gudia, adding that they would continue spreading awareness about the project, till its closure is officially notified in the state gazette. In addition, they have also begun sharing the experiences of their movement with similar agitations elsewhere, like the Narmada Bachao Andolan and Singur, he says.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/India/Koel_Karo_Tribal_surge_that_stalled_a_dam/
articleshow/2098292.cms

Remembering Birsa Munda's Martyrdom

BIRSA Munda was one of the tallest and the last among the tribal leaders, who led tribal revolts for 118 years against British Raj, landlords and money lenders in the area of present day Jharkhand. Birsa was born on November 15, 1875 in village Ulihatu in Ranchi district. He died in 1900 at the age of 25 during imprisonment in Ranchi jail. As a tribute to his martyrdom, Jharkhand state was created on Birsa Munda's birthday, November 15, in 2000.

Birsa Munda was influenced by and later led Sardar movement. Sardar movement of Munda tribes (1858-81) of Ranchi and adjoining areas was for mulki larai (struggle for land) mainly against British government and landlords and for restoration of their lands and against forced labour. To appease the Mundas the British government defined and determined the bhuinhari rights on land. During his study in a Christian missionary school at Chaibasa, he protested and left the school when sardars were called as cheats.

Birsa led a religio-social reform movement among Munda tribes. He forbade worship of spirits, which was widely practiced by the tribals, and opposed idol worship. He preached that there was only one god and the dharti (earth) symbolised the nature. The Mundas and the nature are integrated and could not be separated. He opposed polygamy, which was common among the tribals, and preached that it was a sin. He conceived a code of morals which preached that theft, deception, drunkenness, murder were sinful. His followers called him Bhagawan (god) and Dharti Aba (father of earth).

During 1883-84, British government vested all waste land of villages into 'protected forest' under Indian Forest Act, 1882. They started restricting the rights of the forest dwelling communities. Birsa was deeply disturbed by this act of the government and dispossession of tribal lands by zamindars and outsiders (dikus). He and his followers were deeply convinced that it was their inherent traditional rights on jal, jangal and jamin (water, forest and land). He gave call of ulgulan (revolt). Under his charismatic leadership the Mundas rose in revolt (1895-1900) to establish Munda Raj freeing their water, forest and land from the foreign British Raj and native zamindars. They refused to pay tax on land. Birsa raised his voice against the native and tribal administrators and tax collectors. He was arrested in 1895 and was given 2 years rigorous imprisonment. He was released in November, 1897. Once outside, he once again organised the Mundas and launched struggle with traditional arms in 1899. Mundas joined him irrespective of their religious faith, including the Christians. Insurrection broke out in large areas in present day Ranchi and Gumla districts. British army brutally suppressed the revolt and arrested him on February 3, 1900. It was suspected that the British poisoned him when he was incarcerated in Ranchi jail which caused his martyrdom on June 9, 1900. His name will always be remembered for his immense courage in the battle against the British colonisers and the landlords and for his commitment to the cause of tribal rights.

Long Live Birsa Munda!

http://pd.cpim.org/2007/0603/06102007_birsa%20munda.htm

Killer gets death sentence in Jharkhand

Ranchi : A Jharkhand court Tuesday awarded death sentence to a man convicted for killing five members of a family in Bokaro district in 2002.

District Sessions Judge Prakash Rai gave death sentence to Mahendra Kumar Mandal alias Mantu Mandal, terming the case as the rarest of the rare.

Mandal was threatening the family of Rabindra Mishra, an employee of the Bokaro Steel Plant (BSL) to extort money from them. Mishra had also registered a complaint with police and sought protection.

In 2002, he went to Mishra's home along with his associates and killed him, his wife Vanita, sons Brijendra and Abhishek and daughter Rinki.

Mandal, who was absconding for two years, surrendered in 2004. He was convicted Monday.

The court also ordered dismissal of three police officials, inspector Javed Mahmood and assistant sub-inspectors Neeraj Patak and M.R. Bhargav, for dereliction of duty.

http://www.indianmuslims.info/news/2007/may/30/killer_gets_death_sentence_jharkhand
.html

Maoist rebels kill four in Jharkhand

Maoist rebels have killed four members of its breakaway group in Lathear district of Jharkhand, police said on Tuesday.

"Maoists raided a village and abducted four members of Tritiya Prastuti Committee (TPC) on Monday night. They were later killed in the jungles of Lather district," Jharkhand's Director General of Police, JB Mahapatra told IANS.

Around 50 activists of the outlawed Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-M) raided a village in Chnadwa jungle, 130 km from Ranchi , and abducted four members of TPC. The TPC members were later killed with sharp edged weapons.

"The killing is outcome of fight for collection of levy from the coal traders. Earlier members of CPI-M were abducted by the TPC over fight for levy collection. And the killing is outcome of retaliation of CPI-Maoist," said Mahapatra.

Last month, CPI-M members had also killed nine TPC members in Lathear district. TPC is a breakaway group of CPI-Maoist that was formed last year after differences over ideology and their name means third preparation committee.

Maoist rebels are active in 18 of the 22 districts of the state. Nearly 740 persons including 290 security personnel have been killed in last six years in Maoist related violence.

http://www.hindustantimes.com/StoryPage/StoryPage.aspx?id=eb163458-4c2c-4ee7-ac21-106158c0511a&&Headline=Maoist+rebels+kill+four+in+Jharkhand

Will to win in global economy
- Counselling replaces finding jobs in exchange profile

The deputy director of employment, Subhash Chandra Tiwary, is lamenting that with the state as well as private sector employers recruiting directly, the state employment exchanges are fast losing their importance.

Talking to Rudra Biswas, the deputy director stresses that employment exchanges can perform a pivotal role in a global economy also. "Everyday we interact directly with hundreds of young people who come to us for counselling. We know the market more than the private placement agencies that have mushroomed now," Tiwary says.

Are young people still queuing up outside the employment exchange to get themselves registered?

The rush outside employment exchanges across the state has diminished. The ma- in reason is that even the state government is advertising their requirements through newspapers and is recruiting from the market. Private employers, too, have abandoned using exchanges. Worse still, the Jharkhand Public Service Commission, which is the main recruiting arm of the state, is not insisting that applicants be registered with the employment exchanges. However, labour and employment minister Bhanu Pratap Sahi has insisted that the state recruit through the employment exchanges. Because of this initiative, youths have again started to queue up outside the exchanges.

How many people have registered themselves in the past year?

In 2006-07 18,749 people registered themselves at the Ranchi employment exchange. This year, until April, only 3,299 have. This figure is less than the previous year.

How many jobs have been offered during the past year?

Last year, only 66 people were employed and all were contractual jobs. Even the state departments have long abandoned permanent jobs. During the current financial year, only two youths have been offered contractual jobs. However we do not have figures of employment made by the private sector.

If there is no use of the employment exchange, why should the state government not dismantle all the labour exchanges?

It is wrong to say that labour exchanges have lost their utility. We do not enrol, that's all. We conduct daily counselling for hundreds of boys and girls who come to our offices. During these counselling sessions, we go out of our way to assess their aptitude, inform them of the various opportunities available, the courses that they should opt for, etc. We also have specialised personnel — doctors, engineers, MBA and so on — on our panel. While private placement agencies charge astronomical sums to fill up vacancies, we offer our services free. Since we interact with people of all categories, we are in a better position to understand people and needs of the recrui- ters, much better than private placement agencies.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070604/asp/jamshedpur/story_7873021.asp

Medicine burnt, bottles crushed for the poor have been found burnt into ashes in Jharkhand.

It is a shocking thing to happen in a state where the poor supply of medicines in government hospitals still remains a major problem and the impoverished people regularly complain about unavailability of medicines in government hospitals.

Government supply medicines worth several lakhs have been found burnt to ashes behind a house on the Giridih-Dhanbad border near Barakar river.

The wrappers and strips of medicines include the anti-TB medicines, Fesolic-S, ORS, condoms and large number of opened saline bottles.

Several other medicines were burnt beyond recognition.

While the area actually falls in Dhanbad district, the health sub-centre, Taratand (Giridih), is only half-a-km away from the site.

This has initiated a blame game between the health officers of the two districts.

Dhanbad civil surgeon Srinath Mishra told the The Telegraph: "It is not a matter of concern for us but the Giridih health officials have burnt the medicines in our area to save their face."

Mishra, however, said: "I will personally go to visit the place and if our officials have done the crime we will take strict action against them."

Giridih civil surgeon Anjani Kumar Mishra brushed aside the allegation, saying: "Our sub-health centre may be close to the site but we never had such huge quantities of medicines in store."

Significantly, the owner of the house behind which the burnt medicines were found, Nemchand Mandal said: "Since the past couple of years, a lady from Tundi uses our house and stocks medicines."

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1070604/asp/jamshedpur/story_7872984.asp

ONGC may kick off Jharkhand coal-bed methane project soon

After inordinate delays, ONGC has finally kicked off the Rs 948-crore coal-bed methane exploration (CBM) and development project in Jharkhand this month. According to sources, the company is expecting to spud the first development well in Central Parbatpur of Jharia block in June this year.

ONGC conceived the project in 2004-05, with a target to produce the country's first CBM by March 2007. The total production was expected to be 3.5 lakh cubic metre a day. However, delay in awarding the contract and land acquisition threw the three-year project out of gear.

According to sources, after much ado, the Jharkhand State administration recently made some progress in acquiring land for civil construction (for approach road and buildings) as well as production wells and gas collection stations (GCS) in Jharia block.

Accordingly, the project contractor — a consortium led by Mineral Exploration Corporation Ltd (MECL) — has started work for civil construction in the block and the first well is likely to be spud in June.

ONGC has already completed the phase-I exploration programme in Jharia and established the presence of commercially viable CBM reserve in Central Parbatpur area.

Investment

The company has earmarked a total investment of Rs 519 crore (out of Rs 948 crore) for 14 horizontal wells for development of the block.

ONGC holds 90 per cent interest in Jharia. Coal India Ltd holds 10 per cent participatory interest in the block awarded on a nomination basis. Apart from developing central Parbatpur area of the Jharia block, the existing project aims at an investment of Rs 392 crore for drilling and testing pilot wells in Bokaro and North Karanpura blocks.

The company has completed phase-I exploration programme in both the blocks in 2005 and 2006 respectively. CBM reserve was also established in Bokaro.

http://news.moneycontrol.com/india/news/business/ongc-may-kick-off-jharkhand-coal-bed
-methane-project-soon-/283676

Cabinet nod for scholarship scheme for SC, ST students

NEW DELHI: The Union Cabinet on Thursday approved a scholarship scheme for higher education for students of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. To be implemented from the current financial year, it would cover students beyond the 12th class, whose family income did not exceed Rs. 2 lakh a year.

This was announced by Finance Minister and Cabinet spokesperson P. Chidambaram.

Tuition fee

The scholarship would cover the tuition fee and other non-refundable dues for those studying in government and government-funded institutions. For those in private institutions, the scholarship would be restricted to Rs. 2 lakh a year for courses other than those conducted by flying clubs for commercial pilot training. Students training to be commercial pilots would get an enhanced amount, up to Rs. 3.72 lakh a year.

In addition, all students would be provided Rs. 2,220 a month as living expenses, subject to actuals, and an allowance of Rs. 3,000 for books and stationery. They would be eligible to buy a computer and accessories for Rs. 45,000 as an one-time assistance. The scheme is expected to benefit 1,220 SC and 635 ST students in the first year, and 15,370 SC and 7,910 ST students during the five years of its operation.

The Cabinet approved the constitution of a bureau for control of crime against tigers and other endangered species. It will be an expanded version of the Wildlife Crime Control Bureau, with one more regional office.

Mr. Chidambaram said the five sensitive border customs posts would be strengthened. Also, more such posts would be set up.

Database creation

The role of the new Bureau would include the creation of a database on wildlife items and trade, and provision of assistance for action against those involved in crime against wildlife at the national and international levels. It would also facilitate training to field staff on intelligence gathering, crime detection and prosecution.

Chaired by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, the meeting also gave in-principle approval for the construction of an international airport at Navi Mumbai through public-private partnership. The Civil Aviation Ministry would work on the project details, Mr. Chidambaram said.

The Cabinet cleared a proposal to make both men and women eligible for Short Service Commission in the flying branch of the Air Force, revise the SSC ceiling to 20 per cent and the term of engagement of SSC officers to 14 years, with no extension. The move is aimed at overcoming shortages in the flying branch and enhancing the SSC strength in the branch.

Tribal policy

The Cabinet also discussed a new National Tribal Policy, but decided to refer it to a group of Ministers for review.

http://www.hindu.com/2007/06/02/stories/2007060201761600.htm

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